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Professor Melvyn Goldstein believed this affected Tibet's traditional marriage system.With the change in social stratification the du-jung and the mi-bo lower classes were the first to avoid the forms of marriage that characterized the older society.In traditional inheritance rules, only males had rights over the land, but where there were no males to inherit them, the daughters had the right over the corporation’s land.To maintain the familial estate unit, the daughters would share a bridegroom who will move matrilocally (as opposed to the patrilocal principle where the brides move into the husband's family) and become a member of his wife's family.According to Goldstein, the entire family structure and marriage system were subordinated to serve the land and corporate family unit.The family structure and marriage system of tre-ba were characterized by two fundamental principles: A "stem family" is one in which a married child is inextricably linked to his natal family in a common household.Another kind of marriage, although uncommon, is the "polygynous marriage".

As a matter of fact, Tibetan inheritance rules of family land, mainly based on agnatic links, did provide for each generation to partition the land between brothers, but this was ignored to prevent the estate unit from being threatened.Conversely, when a woman with no male offspring was widowed, she would share a husband with her daughter ("bigenerational polygyny"), thus avoiding land partitioning (reference missing).In these mono-marital stem families, the family head, who had a dominant role in the family, was called trong bey abo (or simply abo).Historically the social system compelled marriage within a social class.When the People's Republic of China annexed Tibet, political systems in many regions of Tibet remained unchanged until, between 19, political reforms changed the land ownership and taxation systems.

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